Top: Isaac Tuker, Chief Officer, Mavasagueh Community Forest, District #2, Grand Bassa County. The DayLight/Emmanuel Sherman
By Emmanuel Sherman
COMPOUND TWO, Grand Bassa County – A community forest’s account has been unfrozen after a bank, allegedly heeding a lawmaker’s request, froze it nearly a year ago.
Last month, the Mavasagueh Community Forest accessed its account at the Liberia Bank for Development and Investment (LBDI) for the first time since it was frozen last March.
“I feel a little relieved,” Isaac Tuker, Mavasagueh’s chief officer, said in an interview in Compound Two, Grand Bassa County. “I am happy that the community account has been opened, so we can do what we are supposed to do as a community.”
Tuker withdrew US$100 from the forest account, based on a receipt of the transaction, to prove that it was operational. The community has set up committees to begin development initiatives, according to Tuker.
The unfreezing of the account followed a community resolution that threatened to stop logging activities in the 26,003-hectare forest.
Last year, the C&C Corporation signed a logging contract with 39 towns and villages of Mavasagueh. However, a few towns and villages claimed they were sidelined, sparking a protest.
It was unclear who authorized the bank to freeze Mavasagueh’s bank account, though.
Clarence Banks, the representative of Grand Bassa’s District Two, and Superintendent Kadyue Johnson intervened in the matter.
Representative Banks alleged that the Tuker and his team had misapplied US$9,500.
Tuker denies any wrongdoing. He claims that the money was used to purchase a motorbike, pay forest guards, and on health matters.
Banks then wrote C&C, asking it to direct all payments to another account.
“I am asking the C&C Corporations to deposit all financial obligations to the affected communities of the Mavasagueh in the following named account with Account# 001USD42205927202 until the investigation is completed,” read the letter.
Deposit slip of US$45,000, to the Mavasagueh Forest Account by C&C, The DayLight/Emmanuel Sherman
As a result, Mavasagueh could not access the US$45,000 C&C Corporation deposited into the account, stalling local development efforts.
Representative Banks did not return interview questions, and LBDI said it could not disclose a customer’s privacy.
“The bank is bound by strict customer confidentiality obligations and, as such, is unable to disclose any information relating to customers’ accounts to a third party,” said Cllr. Regina Elliott, LBDI’s corporate secretary and in-house legal counsel, in reply to a DayLight inquiry.
Regardless, the evidence shows that the account was frozen unlawfully. The Community Rights Regulations, which created community forestry, only empower Tuker to operate the account with the Mavasagueh executive committee’s supervision.
Representative Banks is only a statutory member of the executive committee, which Abraham Sumo, a townsman, chairs.
Lawmakers’ restricted role is a product of forestry reform. It breaks away from the periods before and during the Liberian civil wars, where politicians marginalized local communities and mismanaged forest resources, fueling one of West Africa’s deadliest armed conflicts.
Top: Sampson Zammie, Chief Officer, Bloquia Community Forest, Gbarzon District, Grand Gedeh County. The DayLight/Harry Browne
By Varney Kamara
CHAYEE TOWN, Grand Gedeh –During the Liberian civil war, warring factions fought over forest resources. Sampson Zammie, an ex-combatant, finds himself protecting the very forest he once scrambled for two decades after the conflict ended. However, this time, he has a different foe: cocoa farmers.
Zammie is the leader of the Bloquia Community Forest, who, against all odds, has fought illegal cocoa cultivation. Bloquia measures 43,796 hectares in Grand Gedeh’s Gbarzon District along the Cestos River on the borders with River Gee and Sinoe Counties.
“It’s a bad idea to clear the forest because it is our supermarket, food warehouse, building material and drug store. Whenever our people get sick, we go in there and pick those special traditional leaves and treat them,” says Zammie in an interview with The DayLight in Chayee, his hometown.
“It is our ancestral heritage. We are under an obligation to protect it.”
Thanks to Zammie and local forest guards, Bloquia is the only community forest that has not been cleared for cocoa farms. Burkinabe migrants have encroached upon every forest in Grand Gedeh County. The tally includes eight community forests, several large-scale logging concession areas, and two proposed parks. Backed by their Liberian landlords, the migrants apply chemicals or set fire to the base of trees, gradually transforming virgin woodlands into vast forest graveyards.
Between 2002 and 2024, Liberia lost 390,000 hectares of primary forests, according to the Global Forest Watch, an app that tracks deforestation, utilizing satellite imagery. Grand Gedeh alone lost 59,000 hectares during this time. Last November, London-based Global Witness found a link between the world’s leading chocolate producers and deforestation in Liberia.
The Burkinabes, also known locally as “Mossi,” migrated to the Ivory Coast in the 1930s, becoming a majority of the plantation workforce and boosting that country’s cocoa industry. In search of new cocoa farmland, they began crossing into Liberia in the 2010s by canoe, on foot, and on motorbikes. The Liberia Immigration Service has registered 55,000 Burkinabés in southeastern Liberia, with 48,000 in Grand Gedeh alone.
Locals, including people in the neighboring Neezonnie Community Forest, welcome them with open arms. They see cocoa as an end to years of poverty and underdevelopment. The locals enter agreements with the migrants, wherein they provide the land and the migrants plant and nurture the cocoa.
“I don’t have a problem with the Burkinabés because through them, I have a house today that is worth more than US$17,000,” said Morris Totaye, a Polar Town resident.
“They are very strong, hard-working, and always willing to work. In my mind, they should stay here because they are helping to develop the community.”
Residents of Totaye and Neezonnie cite a failed logging contract as justification for their cocoa activities in their community forest. In 2011, Neezonnie and Bloquia signed a logging contract with A&M Enterprises Inc., owned by Aisha Conneh, the wife of Sekou Conneh, the ex-leader of Liberia United for Reconciliation and Democracy, or LURD. A&M then subcontracted another firm, the Liberia Hardwood Corporation. The contract promised roads, schools and a clinic for residents. However, instead, the contract ended in a fierce legal battle at the Supreme Court in Monrovia.
‘…Never betray my people.’
Zammie and the people in Bloquia are aware of the opportunities that cocoa brings. However, they have chosen legality and heritage over ill-gotten wealth. In forestry, farming in a community forest without the FDA’s authorization is illegal. There are several cases involving the FDA, Burkinabé migrants, and local people.
Zammie has refused several offers to rein him in. In an audio recording of a phone call with Emmanuel Zongo, a spokesperson for the Burkinabé community, Zongo promises Zammie CFA 5 million (US$8,853.13) to plant cocoa in Bloquia. Zammie turned down Zongo’s offer.
“I rejected his offer because it amounted to bribery and corruption,” Zammie says. “I told him that I would be destroying my children’s future if I had accepted his offer, and that would amount to a betrayal of the community’s trust. I can never betray my people.”
Reporters traveled on motorbikes for over five hours, deep into the isolated belly of Grand Gedeh, where the forest thickens, and the road steadily disappears beneath bush and broken earth. A convoy of two motorbikes squealed over fragile wooden bridges and through narrow, mud-slashed paths, tilting dangerously at every bend. There was Zammie.
A soft-spoken, slim, grey-headed man, Zammie joined the Armed Forces of Liberia in 1990 as a private. From 1992 to 2003, he served the disbanded Liberia Peace Council and the Movement for Democracy in Liberia as a battalion commander. After the war, Zammie, now disarmed, returned to Chayee Town, desperate to turn his life around, eager for a fresh start.
Backed by their Liberian landlords, the migrants apply chemicals or set fire to the base of trees, gradually transforming virgin woodlands into vast forest graveyards. The DayLight/Samuel Jabba
His chance came in 2016 when Bloquia, established five years earlier, headed for elections. Zammie contested for the chief officer, the one who runs the daily affairs of a community forest, and won on a white ballot. Liberia had passed the Community Rights Law…, empowering locals to participate in forest governance and share in its benefits.
Zammie uses his wartime experience to organize the community’s forest guards. With Zammie’s oversight, guards regularly deploy across the forest to monitor and remove illegal occupants. His guardianship against encroachment also extends to protecting a 266,910-hectare logging concession adjacent to Bloquia, ravaged by cocoa cultivation.
But like his time as a combatant, leading Bloquia has been a difficult journey for Zammie, who often faces off with encroachers and local authorities.
In 2023, Zammie was removed as chief officer of Bloquia, following a controversial election. However, he was later reinstated after the FDA overturned that election’s outcome, retaining him pending a fresh poll.
Zammie and his guards struggle daily to prevent Burkinabés and their Liberian hosts from illegally occupying the Bloquia forest. At least 30 Burkinabés have been detained and removed from Bloquia by the Zammie-led forest guards, a video shows.
In the video, Zammie can be heard interrogating a group of Burkinabes in Farblor, a village between Bloquia and the large-scale logging concession. Sitting on the ground with folded hands, the men listen to Zammie nervously as he scolds them for encroaching on the community forest.
Zammie also faces threats from Grand Gedeh authorities.
Last April, anti-riot police officers fired at forest guards who had gone to evict illegal occupants. In a video clip of that incident, Zammie is seen presenting ammunition to a local official.
A partial view of Chayee Town in Gbarzon District, Grand Gedeh County. The DayLight/Harry BrowneA partial view of the Bloquia Community Forest, the only community forest in Grand Gedeh without cocoa farms. The DayLight/Harry Browne
Applause
Zammie accuses Alex Grant, the Superintendent of Grand Gedeh County, of masterminding the shooting incident. Now, Zammie travels with dozens of men in a motorbike convoy, as the cocoa crisis in the southeast has resulted in deaths and injuries.
“Grant has always threatened to get rid of me because he said I am standing in his way,” says Zammie. “He wants to take over Bloquia and make it his personal farm.”
Grant did not respond to queries. However, speaking on “Forest Hour” on Okay FM last year, Grant called Zammie “a fugitive.” He called on the police to arrest him “wherever he is found.”
Forestry campaigners have frowned on the constant harassment of Zammie. In a joint press statement last July, they showed solidarity with the Bloquia savior.
“Such threats against a citizen who is acting in the national interest are unacceptable,” says Andrew Zelemen, a forestry campaigner. “We take these allegations seriously and demand a full, impartial investigation. Zammie’s safety must be guaranteed.”
Grant is a major player in Grand Gedeh’s cocoa rush. Last October, Grant signed a 30-year lease agreement with a Burkinabe businessman for 500 acres of ancestral territory in the B’hai District. The deal was later terminated due to several irregularities. Months earlier, Grant had received over CFA 4 million (US$7,111) from B’hai citizens to secure a deed for the same land.
Nevertheless, Zammie’s effort to protect Bloquia Community Forest has been hailed. Beyan Woi, regional management officer for the southeast, is one of his admirers.
“I would like to give it out for the Bloquiah Community Forest. I want to thank Sampson Zammie…,” says Woi. “He is working tirelessly daily and, through him, we don’t have any Burkinabe in that forest.
“Everyone must give him applause for his great work in that area.”
This story was a production of the Community of Forest and Environmental Journalists of Liberia (CoFEJ).
Top: A portion of ex-Representative Albert Hills’ abandoned 300 acres of farmland in Quikon after a report found he purchased it illegally. The DayLight/Esau J. Farr
By Esau J. Farr
ROCK CRUSHER – A former lawmaker of Bong County has abandoned a rubber farm after an investigation unearthed that he had illegally acquired the land on which it is planted.
Neither Albert Hills Jr., who served as representative of Bong County District #1 from 2018 to 2024, nor his workers have returned to the 300 acres for over three years, according to locals. This reporter observed the farm covered in bush.
“There is no new cutlass mark on that farm as we speak,” said David Kangar, the chairman of Quikon’s customary land leadership. “The guy he put over the farm has left the farm, and nobody comes there [anymore].”
Hill did not reply to questions and failed to answer calls placed to him.
The 2023 investigation had found that Hills paid an elder an undisclosed fee for the customary land in the Quikon Clan of Kokoyah District. The purchase violated the Land Rights Act, which prohibits such a deal until 2068.
The land in question is part of approximately 25,000 hectares for which Quikon is on the verge of getting a customary land deed. The Liberia Land Authority surveyed the land, confirming the clan’s landmass.
Asked what the community would do if Hills came back for the land, Kangar gave a firm response: “The community is going to take the land.”
Top: Teak logs that the Forestry Development Authority illegally confiscated ended up at Libfor Forest Corporation, a sawmill involved in alleged illegal timber trafficking. Photo credit: Anonymous
By Esau J. Farr
In 2024, the Forestry Development Authority arrested two truckloads of expensive teak logs in Ganta and Salala that came from Kpaytuo, Nimba County.
The FDA announced it filed a lawsuit against the owner of the logs, providing no further information.
But a DayLight investigation established that the regulator did not obtain a court warrant to seize or auction the logs, as the law requires.
Instead, documents, recordings and interviews paint an intriguing picture of alleged illegal transactions.
The evidence shows that some of the logs ended up in a notorious sawmill, which the FDA sued for alleged timber smuggling.
KPAYTUO, Nimba County – Late 2024, Rose Yancy Adikwu, the manager of Rosemart Inc., a logging company, set off to transport a truckload of teak logs, an expensive and sought-after wood. Little did she know that rangers with the Forestry Development Authority (FDA) at the Salala checkpoint in Bong County would seize the logs.
Before that incident, rangers at the Ganta checkpoint arrested 200 teaks from men linked to Rosemart. That consignment and the one from the Salala checkpoint were taken to the FDA headquarters in Whein Town, Paynesville City. In all, the FDA said it seized about 706 timbers valued at US$20,000.
“FDA’s decision to confiscate the woods is based on the owners of the trucks or companies’ inability to obtain proper documentation for said transactions,” the FDA said in a Facebook post. It said it was processing Rosemart and Amengo to court for violating the forestry law and evading government revenue.
But a yearlong DayLight investigation found that the FDA bypassed the legal process to seize and auction timber. The evidence suggests that the regulator clandestinely transacted with companies that had already traded with Rosemart for the same consignments.
The Eighth Judicial Circuit Court in Nimba, which hears such cases, confirmed it did not issue the FDA any warrant to seize or auction the logs.
In an interview with reporters last December, FDA Managing Director Rudolph Merab admitted to not following the law.
“There was no warrant when I seized [the logs],” Merab said. “I will go to court to get the court’s authorization to sell it.
“I don’t need a warrant to catch a rogue. If you enter my house and I catch you there, you are rogue,” Merab added.
The facts contradict Merab’s comments. The Regulation on Confiscated Logs, Timber and Timber Products provides that the FDA must obtain a warrant from the circuit court where the logs were harvested or stored before the logs are confiscated. The 2017 regulation complements the 1972 Criminal Procedure Law regarding the seizure of contraband and stolen or embezzled property.
‘Lots of money’
Except for the initial arrests and seizures, which were published, the FDA provided no updates on the Ganta and Salala logs in the months that followed. The FDA did not publish any more details as required by law, and ignored detailed questions emailed and hand-delivered six months ago.
So, what happened to the logs in question? Were they sold off? If so, where and when did the sale occur? And who bought them? How much did the individual or company pay the government? How much did Kpaytuo receive?
Documents and interviews The DayLight conducted likely provide the answers to these questions.
In one interview, Adikwu said that Merab told her he had seized the logs because her company was illegally operating. The DayLight obtained a video recording in which Merab corroborates Adikwu’s story. In the video, Merab can be heard saying, “Rose came to my office, and I told her what to do.”
Adikwu alleged that the FDA sold the Salala checkpoint logs for US$1,860 to Bana Liberia, a little-known company. Weeks later, the regulator announced the seizures. There were over 740 logs, not 600 as the FDA announced. It had paid Rosemart US$7,500 for the logs via a Liberia-based executive, a receipt of that transaction, seen by The DayLight, shows.
Interestingly, Bana Liberia stored the logs at Libfor, a sawmill in Caldwell embroiled in at least one lawsuit with the FDA for alleged timber smuggling. Pictures of teaks that The DayLight obtained matched the wood from Kpaytuo, and the environment in the picture fitted Libfor’s yard. A DayLight investigation last January had found that Libfor smuggled timber in and out of Liberia. Trade data shows that it smuggled timber at least 51 times since June 2022.
“Amadu Kabbah, who bought the woods from me, said he took part in the bidding process and won the bid with US$1,800,” said Adikwu. “So, he bought the woods for the second time from the FDA.”
Kabbah confirmed Adikwu’s claim that Bana Liberia bought the wood from the FDA. He revealed that Bana Liberia paid “lots of money to the FDA,” and had still not exported the logs.
FDA’s records suggest it handed the Ganta logs to Fahmah Construction Company, established in 2023. There is no record of that sale, but the FDA reports Fahmah paid US$50 for tags used to track logs.
Some of the controversial logs in Kpaytuo, Nimba County. The DayLight/Carlucci CooperThe FDA stored Rosemart’s logs at its headquarters in Whein Town, Paynesville. The DayLight/Esau J. Farr
Official records show that Fahmah was registered in LiberTrace—FDA’s log-tracking system—in December 2024, the same month the FDA seized the logs in Ganta. Fahmah had purchased the 143 teak logs from Rosemart for US$3,000 or US$3,500, according to a receipt The DayLight obtained.
Screenshots of WhatsApp chats provide a glimpse into the Rosemart-Fahmah deal. In a WhatsApp chat, a Fahmah representative engaged Rosemart for a deal.
“If you can cut two containers, please let us know. The minimum circumference is 80 centimeters and the minimum length is 2.4 meters,” the representative wrote.
Adikwu replied, “Yes, I have.” It was two days after that conversation when Fahmah was stopped at the Ganta checkpoint.
‘The king of woods’
Last August, Merab visited Kpaytuo to negotiate with townspeople for the remaining teaks there. Referred to as “the king of woods,” teak is used for furniture, outdoor construction and shipbuilding. A cubic meter of teak sells between US$212 and US$805, according to the International Tropical Timber Organization, which sets global prices for wood.
The Kpaytuo teak plantation was established before the First and Second Liberian Civil Wars as part of an afforestation initiative. However, during the conflicts and the decades that followed, illicit occupants destroyed the plantation.
In 2015, Rosemart acquired the right to harvest a prewar teak plantation in Kpaytuo, spanning three FDA administrations. Two years later, Rosemart signed an MoU with townspeople and began exploiting the remnants of the plantation, ravaged by the Liberian civil wars.
Since then, the company has shipped teak logs on several occasions, with the FDA’s approval. One of its last-known shipments occurred in 2020. A 2022 DayLight investigation found that those exports occurred outside the legal system despite the FDA approving them.
Now, while in Kpaytuo, townspeople reminded Merab about their MoU with Rosemart and the company’s legal status, but he dismissed it. The FDA boss does not recognize Rosemart’s legality.
In a video recording of their meeting, Merab can be heard calling Adikwu a “rogue,” threatening to jail anyone who worked with her.
A townsman can be heard asking Merab, “‘Why don’t you take Rose [Adikwu] to court?’”
Merab then replies, “No. I won’t take her to court. She will take me to court.”
The Forestry Development Authority announces the seizure of logs belonging to Rosemart Inc., which operates the Kpaytuo teak plantation in Nimba. Facebook/Forestry Development Authority
Merab’s comments in the video contradicted the FDA’s initial comments during its press conference. The FDA had claimed that it was “awaiting further court proceedings” to confiscate the logs.
In the end, the FDA paid Kpaytuo US$400 for each consignment, twice the amount Rosemart was paying, according to Socrates Kpeah, Kpaytuo’s Commissioner.
Kpeah pitied Rosemart but said Kpaytuo could not fight the FDA.
“The FDA is a big arm. The FDA is the government,” he said, as rangers supervised the transfer of teak logs from the bush to the road. “If the government can come to say, ‘Rosemart is no longer here,’ what power do we have to stop it?”
The FDA published no details of the teak logs it removed from Kpaytuo. Townsmen, who helped transfer the wood, however, said they counted 738 logs. Francis Wile, a Rosemart representative, corroborated that information.
The FDA had contacted Oyaleke Ademola, a Nigerian businessman, who had pulled out of the deal upon learning of the logs’ history, according to Adikwu. The Nigerian did not respond to queries for comments on the matter.
CORRECTION: This version of the story corrects a previous version, which stated that Merab paid the community L$40,000. The actual amount is US$400.
It also corrects Salayea in the highlights of the story for Salala, where the arrest took place.
This story was a Community of Forest and Environmental Journalists (CoFEJ) production.
Top: Some of the logs Westwood illegally harvested in the Gba Community Forest. Picture credit: Anonymous
By Emmanuel Sherman
MONROVIA – A Nimba court issued the Forestry Development Authority (FDA) a warrant to seize logs that a company illegally harvested last year.
The Eighth Judicial Circuit Court in Sanniquillie ordered the FDA to take charge of the 5,694.33 cubic meters of logs Westwood Corporation felled outside a designated area in the Gba Community Forest, Sanniquillie-Mahn District.
“You are hereby commanded to immediately proceed to confiscate all logs harvested by West Wood Corporation outside of the 450-acre area…,” read the court warrant.
Samuel Cooper, Westwood’s manager, declined to be interviewed.
An FDA investigation had found evidence that the company harvested 4 kilometers outside the 450-acre area, near the East Nimba Nature Reserve, home to endangered species.
The Investigation confirmed an earlier DayLight publication that utilized satellite imagery to pinpoint the illegal felling. The newspaper had established that Westwood made two shipments of the illegal logs to Italy, violating Liberia’s timber-trade agreement with the European Union. Moreover, the company’s shareholders are unknown.
Having seized the logs, the FDA is required to seek a warrant for a public auction.
FDA’s Managing Director Rudolph Merab said the regulator had already auctioned the logs. “Kris Veneer [Industries] won the bid for the auction, Merab told The DayLight. (Kris operates a plywood factory in Buchanan, Grand Bassa County.)
This is the first time the FDA has auctioned illegal logs since the Regulation on Confiscated Logs, Timber and Timber Products was formulated in 2017.
Top: A poster showing Roberto Kollie (left), St. Solomon Peters (center) and Edward Teah, the main characters in this investigation of the Benefit Sharing Trust Board. Illustration by Michael Harijgens for The DayLight
By Varney Kamara
Roberto Kollie joined the National Benefit Sharing Trust Board in 2021, with a vision to help reform it. Accordingly, Kollie scrutinized the activities of the board’s executives without fear or favor.
Last year, one executive alleged that he paid Kollie a bribe for certain payment; Kollie was subsequently suspended.
The Forestry Development Authority investigated the matter and exonerated Kollie of the accusation. The FDA praised him for championing transparency and accountability.
Nevertheless, the Board terminated Kollie’s contract, leading to a case now before the Ministry of Labor.
The case, the FDA investigation, documents, recordings, and interviews The DayLight conducted shed light on corruption in the board and impunity in forestry.
MONROVIA – In January 2021, Roberto Kollie was recruited as head of the secretariat of the National Benefit Sharing Trust Board, which regulates communities’ shares of logging resources. Kollie had just left his job as a human resource officer at a bank, and before that, an auditor with the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning.
The 41-year-old dreamed of guiding the board to uphold its core values of transparency and accountability and driving major reforms to benefit communities. Just months on the job, Kollie helped draft the board’s first budget, saving it from bankruptcy, according to a 2021 report.
“I had a vision to ensure that during my time at the board, we would make sure there was value for money, where funds delivered for projects would be properly accounted for,” Kollie said in an interview with The DayLight. “In that way, the board would be living up to its objectives, and that communities would benefit from a fair share of their natural resources.”
But his story was too good to be true. Last July, months before his fifth anniversary as head of secretariat, Kollie received shocking news: His contract had been terminated. It was the grand finale of an internal struggle that would shed light on corruption inside the board and the culture of impunity in forestry.
It all started on November 25, 2024, when Edward Teah, a local forest leader in Grand Gedeh County, requested L$702,494.61 (US$3,753 today) check from the board for his community leadership’s share of land rental that the International Consultant Capital (ICC) had paid the Liberian government.
In 2009, ICC signed a logging concession with the Liberian government, covering 266,910 hectares across River Cess, Nimba, and Grand Gedeh. Thirty percent of the land rental fees companies pay to the government goes to affected communities under the National Forestry Reform Law. Of that amount, community leaders are entitled to a tenth of land rental fees. It was that money that Teah had requested.
Kollie denied the request, based on an issue he discovered with Teah’s previous report. Kollie had noticed that Federick Soloe, a Sinoe County community leader, did not attend an event in Grand Gedeh for which he had received US$240.
A day after that encounter, Teah filed a complaint against Kollie with the board. He alleged that Kollie had not denied his request because of Soloe’s failure to attend the Grand Gedeh event. Instead, Kollie was demanding a bribe before issuing his check.
“I write to officially inform the board that Roberto Kollie is in the constant [habit] of holding my documents without turning [them] over to the rightful committee that has the authority to review [them],” Teah said in his complaint letter. “My… document was kept for more than one month because I didn’t promise him a share of the project cost.”
Kollie was suspended in January last year, two months after the complaint, and the board immediately asked the Forestry Development Authority (FDA) to investigate.
Teah told investigators that he allegedly gave Kollie US$600 as a kickback, which Kollie denies. Then Teah said Soloe had attended the dedication of a town hall in Dougee Town, Grand Gedeh County, refuting Kollie’s claim.
Soloe corroborated Teah’s testimony, claiming he had attended the event but arrived late. However, he told the FDA investigators that he only received US$150, corroborating Kollie’s claim.
Based on the evidence, the FDA cleared Kollie of all allegations, concluding a four-month investigation. The regulator instructed the board to reinstate Kollie. It found no evidence that he solicited US$600 or any kickbacks. There was no evidence of delayed check payments, and Soloe’s testimony justified Kollie’s doubt in questioning Teah.
The National Benefit Sharing Trust Board collects funding from the government that logging concessioners pay, disburses the money to affected communities, and oversees its expenditure. Picture credit: James Harding Giahyue
“The committee determined that the query operates to enhance the integrity of the board as opposed to disrespecting its authorities,” the investigation report said. “The nature of evidence presented was mostly speculative.”
The investigators recommended that Kollie be reinstated. They further recommended that the board hold a retreat to review its roles and responsibilities and conduct an audit within three months.
Now exonerated, Kollie thought that his nightmare had ended. He could push forward with his reform agenda.
“I felt relieved that I was exonerated from allegations that had the propensity to damage my professional career and negative image on my family,” Kollie said. “I had hope that my return to work could pave the way for massive reform at the [board], given that many of the accountability issues that I flagged were captured in the investigation report.”
But Kollie’s nightmare was far from over. Instead of reinstating him, the board terminated his contract, saying that it had expired.
Conspiracy
Kollie suspected that Teah’s allegation against him was only a smokescreen because he had been a pain in the buttocks. In September 2024, Kollie and other officials of the board found out that the Dougee town hall project was incomplete, despite a report from the CFDC that the project was finished. Subsequently, the monitoring team compelled Teah, his accuser, to sign a commitment to complete the unfinished town hall within a specified period.
Kollie suspected the board was conspiring against him, too. In January last year, Solomon Peters, its chairman, presented a US$3,294 budget to celebrate the Ziadue and Teekpeh clans’ customary deed acquisition in River Cess. He advised the board against reviewing Peters’ budget for three reasons: One, Peters had not completed certain projects in River Cess, a requirement for him to get further payment. Two, the board’s window for budget submission had closed. And Ziadue and Teekpeh clans’ deed celebration was a land matter, not a forestry project.
Here: St. Solomon Peters, the chairman of the board. Above: Roberto Kollie, embattled head of the secretariat of the National Benefit Sharing Trust Board. The DayLight/James Giahyue and Esau J. Farr
The board ignored Kollie’s advice and approved Peters’ budget, though Kollie abstained from the process.
An email, seen by The DayLight, confirmed Kollie’s suspicion of the board’s plot to remove him. In the communication, Andrew Zelemen, a community forest union leader, with the highest representation on the board, discussed the conspiracy.
“I… realized that there is a plan to remove Mr. Kollie from the board due to his critical stance on some decisions that have been made by the chairperson of the board, who is also a [community forest] official,” the email read.
“These decisions, it is believed, often favored the communities, but sometimes did not align with best practices, and the secretariat, headed by Roberto, is always critical of these decisions.”
If Zelemen’s email was revealing, then text messages and WhatsApp conversations between Kollie and Peters in July and August were explosive.
On an evening last March, Peters met Kollie at a bar in 72nd, Paynesville, while the FDA investigation proceeded. In an audio recording obtained by The DayLight, Peters can be heard trying to reach a compromise with Kollie.
“If it is left with me, these issues that are going around will not come out among us anymore. I don’t like for it to come to my mind. That is the reason why I sent the texts that you, Andrew [Zelemen], and myself meet and discussed, so we can find means to solve it,” Peters suggested.
Kollie rejected the chairman of the board’s proposal and urged him to hold on until the investigation was completed. The allegations were too grave to be swept under the carpet, as they concerned his reputation. National and International partners had heard of the matter, and it would be good to see it finalized.
Teah, Kollie’s accuser, walked in and sat near Peters without saying anything. Shortly after that, Kollie left the bar, fearing incrimination. Teah did not respond to The DayLight’s queries.
But that was not the only Kollie-Peters encounter. On Thursday, July 31, at 11:50 pm last year, Peters engaged Kollie for a “friendly” conversation, according to a Facebook chat between the pair, obtained by The DayLight.
“What would be your top priority on a list of many with regard to the foregoing? What would you wish I could initiate in favor of your top priority?” Peters began.
“I’m saying this because I have had a series of discussions with many interested parties, finding an alternative approach to an amicable resolution, but I sometimes get quenched by certain actions and information,” Peters said. He appeared to reference the board’s refusal to reinstate Kollie, defying the FDA, a decision that forestry actors had criticized.
The controversial town hall in Dougee Town, Grand Gedeh County. The DayLight/James Giahyue
“I am not sure a fight can better address our situation,” Peters added.
Kollie replied, starting with pay and benefits.
“The first thing I would appreciate from you is if you consider that I am entitled to my May and June salary, including communication allowances for February to July.
“That is a very good beginning for a very good dialogue,” Kollie added.
“Rest assured,” Peters replied, ending that day’s chat.
The negotiation, it turns out, did not hold. Kollie filed a complaint with the Ministry of Labor for “unfair labor practice.” He seeks reinstatement and settlement of unpaid wages.
Kollie argues that his contract was continued, as the board paid him several months after January last year, when his contract was supposed to have expired.
Peters did not respond to detailed queries for his side of the story, citing the case before the ministry.
The story was a Community of Forest and Environmental Journalists of Liberia (CoFEJ) production.
Top: Drone picture showing deserted sand deposits, mangroves, and grass growing on the abandoned mining site. The DayLight/Samuel Jabba
By Harry Browne and Samuel Jabba
SEAVIEW – Illegal miners, who ravaged a beachfront in the Robertsfield Highway community of Gbengbar Town for over a decade, have left the area, following residents’ persistence, authorities’ actions, and a DayLight investigation.
Last December, The DayLight reported that the miners allegedly threatened to kill residents of the Seaview community for opposing their illegal activities. The community involved the police, the Environmental Protection Agency, and the Ministry of Mines and Energy, which shut down the illegal operations.
“On behalf of the community, I want to say a big thank you to the government of Liberia for intervening,” said Victor Sumo, a Seaview resident and lecturer at the University of Liberia.
“We also appreciate The DayLight for helping us to expose every illegal activity. The drone that was flown and key photos taken exposed them clearly.”
After a DayLight investigation, the Ministry of Mines arrested and jailed Jacob Dolo, the illegal miners’ ringleader.
Upon his release days later, Dolo signed a commitment not to mine in the Seaview area again, according to Agatius Cooker, Inspector General, Ministry of Mines. Dolo confirmed the information.
It is not the first time that the illegal miners have stopped operating—only to later return. Last May, soldiers of the Armed Forces of Liberia removed them from the beach, seizing their tools.
However, they returned five months later and intensified their activities. The illicit miners had operated in the area since 2014, two years after the government banned beach sand mining.
To prevent the recurrence of that situation, residents have set up a task force to monitor beach activities. Samuel G. Ford, the director of Community Policing at the Liberia National Police, created awareness in the area.
Above and here: Views of the abandoned illegal sand mining site after the jailing of Jacob Dolo, the illegal miners’ ringleader. The DayLight/Samuel Jabba
‘Thank God for The DayLight’
Reporters visited the infamous ‘Block-40’ mining site, located between the beach and a swamp. Back in October, miners uploaded sand in pickup trucks, while others transferred sand from the beach. This time around, the site was a ghost town.
Reporters observed nature reclaiming the illegal sand mine and its environment. Sand deposits lay deserted, the ocean was refilling a gigantic canal the miners dug to transfer sand from the beach. Makeshift shelters were demolished. Grass grew everywhere. At least one squirrel appeared to have observed the noticeable absence of activities, running across the site.
While the illegal miners expressed grievances over the situation, residents were full of praise for The DayLight.
“When they came in, I was really overlooking them to admit the fact. I thought that they could not make,” said Garwool Baysah, a resident. “I tell God thank you for the DayLight. They did extremely well for us.”
This story is produced by The DayLight, with support from the Embassy of Ireland through Integrity Watch Liberia. The DayLight maintained editorial independence over its content, which does not reflect the position of the Embassy of Ireland or Integrity Watch Liberia.
Top: Artisanal miners in Wayjue, Grand Cape Mount County, in 2019. Picture credit: James Giahyue
By Varney Kamara
MONROVIA – Gold is one of Liberia’s most valuable natural resources, yet much of it may be slipping quietly out of the country—untaxed and undocumented. New findings by SWISSAID, a Switzerland-based NGO that provides data on Africa’s mineral exports, suggest that gold smuggling from Liberia has reached alarming levels, potentially leading to billions of U.S. dollars loss for Liberia each year.
The report, published last May, is part of a larger research project on African gold flows. The information it provides was collected from state agencies, company reports, publications, civil and multilateral organizations, researchers, and open-access databases.
This explainer breaks down the report into five key things to understand about how Liberia’s gold is smuggled. It explains where it goes and why weak data, tax gaps, and informal mining continue to fuel the illegal trade.
So, here are five things to know about gold smuggling in Liberia:
1. Liberia Could be Losing US$1.4B to Gold Smuggling
Liberia could be losing US$1.4 billion to gold smuggling annually, according to a DayLight calculation, based on the current price of gold on the world market. Smugglers could be illegally exporting nine tonnes of gold from Liberia through Guinea and Mali yearly.
2. Liberia’s Smuggled Gold Comes mainly from Artisanal Miners
Liberia’s smuggled gold comes mainly from the artisanal and small-scale mining sector (ASM), a largely informal sector that undervalues and underreports the volumes of gold exported out of the country. All of Liberia’s industrial golds are shipped through official border records. However, a majority of the country’s rich yellow minerals produced in the artisanal sector is smuggled through neighboring countries, with no official data reflecting the actual volumes of gold extracted.
While it was asserted that gold is being smuggled into all of Liberia’s neighboring countries, it is a universal consensus that the mineral is mainly trafficked through Guinea before ending up in Mali. Switzerland, the United Arab Emirates, and Lebanon are the top three destinations outside of Africa. Liberian gold is also smuggled through airports, mainly to the UAE, and directly to Dubai, which is by far the main destination for all undeclared ASM gold from Africa.
Artisanal miners in the Salayea Community Forest in Lofa County. The DayLight/Harry Browne
3. Differences in Tax Rates and Loopholes
Differences in tax rates for exported gold, destinations, and variations in tax systems serve as the main loopholes or incentives for gold smuggling between Liberia and Guinea.
Liberia and Guinea have one percent lower royalty or export rates, compared to other countries in the sub-region, one of the main factors driving illicit gold flows across the region.
In an effort to maximize profits, foreign investors prefer to travel to Liberia and Guinea, which impose lower royalty rates on gold exports. These countries trade in United States dollars, a currency more accessible for international trade. Analysis showed that lower tax rates and access to U.S. dollars were the main smuggling patterns, according to the Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime.
In an effort to maximize profits, foreign investors prefer to travel to Liberia and Guinea, which impose lower royalty rates on gold exports. These countries are able to trade in United States dollars, a currency more accessible for international trade. SWISSAID’s analysis showed that lower tax rates and access to U.S. dollars were the main smuggling patterns.
To resolve this situation, interventions must be developed beyond mine sites, addressing cyclical financial flows influenced by power structures, and formalizing ASM efforts aligned with the government’s medium-term production goals, including standardizing regional tariff rates to combat smuggling, SWISSAID recommended.
4. Discrepancies in Stats
There are discrepancies between Liberian statistics and the Swiss statistics on imports of gold from Liberia.
Gold is selling for US$4,874 as of Thursday. The DayLight/James Giahyue
Liberia’s data on gold production and exports, released by the Central Bank of Liberia in its annual reports, is inconsistent with that reported by the Liberian chapter of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (LEITI).
This is surprising for both entities refer to the same sources, namely the Ministry of Mines and Energy. Second, Liberian authorities do not report trade data to the UN Comtrade, which provides export trade data globally. To resolve this issue, SWISSAID had to ask Liberia’s mining authorities to provide export figures that grouped countries of destination. Large discrepancies of data provided were observed, compelling SWISSAID to cast serious doubts over their credibility.
Official figures on gold production cover only part of the actual volumes of gold being extracted and traded. This is because artisanal and small-scale mining in Liberia, which has taken place on a larger scale in recent years, is highly informal. In 2018, large discrepancies were observed between the figures on gold exports published by the CBL and those on gold exports from Liberia, reported to the UN Comtrade by the authorities of the countries of destination.
SWISSAID noticed substantial inconsistencies in the official figures published by various Liberian entities. Gold export estimates are not updated. This suggests several tons of gold were smuggled out of the country yearly, and imported illegally into other countries, in particular the UAE.
5. Poor Data Complicates Analysis
Poor data situation complicates the analysis of gold flows in Liberia. Comparing figures on the imports of gold from Liberia reported by the authorities with those of the countries of destination to UN Comtrade or published by the London Bullion Market Association (LBMA), SWISSAID observed such large discrepancies with available data, which impacted the quality of its analysis and seriously hampered its ability to conclude. As a result, several questions remain unanswered.
This story is produced by The DayLight, with support from the Embassy of Ireland through Integrity Watch Liberia. The DayLight maintained editorial independence over its content, which does not reflect the position of the Embassy of Ireland or Integrity Watch Liberia.
Top: A Bao Chico iron ore mine in Gbarpolu County in 2023. The DayLight/Derick Snyder
By Varney Kamara
The Liberia Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (LEITI) 16th report highlights both progress and challenges across the country’s extractive sectors.
The report provides information on the mining, agriculture, forestry, and oil/gas sectors’ contribution to the Liberian economy. The annual report is meant to enhance natural resource governance, accountability and transparency.
Covering January 1 to December 31, 2023, the report provides details on payments, productions, exports, and other things. It was published last December, weeks before President Joseph Boakai’s recent State of the Nation Address.
In the address, President Boakai praised the extractive sectors’ contribution to Liberia’s 5.1 percent economic growth in 2023, largely driven by mining, citing the International Monetary Fund.
So, here are nine key takeaways from the LEITI’s 16th report on the performance of the extractive industries in 2023:
Liberia exported US$1.3 billion of extractive commodities in 2023. Major exports included gold, iron ore, diamonds, and round logs. The country exported 12,379 kilograms of gold, 4,002,474 metric tons of iron ore, and 56,838 carats of diamonds.
Artisanal and small-scale mining exports increased, with gold exports rising to 232 kilograms from 82 kilograms in 2022. Diamond exports rose slightly from 55,111 carats in 2022 to 56,838 carats in 2023, a 3.04 percent increase.
The forestry sector produced 661,958 cubic meters of round logs, but exported only 98,426 cubic meters.
Rubber, crude palm oil, and kernel oil sold US$188,463,190 million, representing 13.9 percent of all export earnings. Rubber represents 7.6 percent of the country’s total export receipts and 54.9 percent of agriculture exports, while 6.12 percent of the sector’s exports came from crude palm oil and kernel oil.
Key export destinations for artisanal minerals were Israel, Belgium, the United Arab Emirates, and Turkey. Israel imported diamonds valued at US$6.68 million (27.09 percent), while Belgium imported US$6.57 million (26.67 percent). The UAE and Turkey dominated gold imports, valued at US$4.46 million (18.09 percent) and US$2.29 million (9.27 percent), respectively.
2. Mining is the Largest Exporter
Mining accounted for US$1.16 billion, the most among the four extractive industries. Bea Mountain Mining Company and ArcelorMittal Liberia were the top exporters.
Bea Mountain exported 12,146 kilograms of gold, valued at US$653.6 million, representing 56.3 percent of extractive exports, up from 52.38 percent in 2022.
An ArcelorMittal train transporting iron ore to the Port of Buchanan in 2021. The DayLight/James Harding Giahyue
On the other hand, ArcelorMittal’s iron ore production declined from 471 metric tons in 2022 to 70 metric tons in 2023. Together, Bea Mountain and ArcelorMittal accounted for 93 percent of mining exports, up from 91 percent the previous year.
Gold accounted for 72 percent of mining exports, up from 40 percent in 2019, driven by higher global prices and increased production.
3. Forestry Is the Least Exporter
Forestry recorded the lowest export performance. Companies exported 98,426 cubic meters of logs, generating US$4.3 million in 2023, compared to 159,473 cubic meters valued at US$3.6 million in 2022. The report attributes the decline—over 38 percent in volume—to the closure of several forestry companies during the year.
Euro Liberia Logging exported 39,676 m3 of logs from 27,675 cubic meters, representing 30.3 percent, the highest in forestry. WESTNAF Limited followed, exporting 753 cubic meters in 2023 from 1,662 m3 in 2022, constituting 18.2 percent of exports.
Keshav Global Industries Ltd recorded the lowest export with 312 m3 of logs in 2023, representing 0.4 percent of exports, and recorded no exports in 2022.
Most logs were shipped to China, Bangladesh, and India, which together accounted for 93 percent of forestry exports.
A truck transfers logs outside of Greenville, Sinoe County in 2023. The DayLight/James Harding Giahyue
4. Extractive Revenue Hit US$152.46 Million
Mining, agriculture, forestry, and oil/gas contributed US$152.46 million to the Liberian government’s revenue. This amount represents over a fifth of total revenue and over half of gross domestic product.
The 2023 contribution was a 14percent decline from US$182.35 million from July 2021 to December 2022.
The Liberia Revenue Authority collected 80.45 percent of the revenue. The National Port Authority, Forestry Development Authority, the Environmental Protection Agency, and social and environmental contributions accounted for the remaining.
5. Mining Contributed the Highest
Mining accounted for the largest share of extractive revenues, reinforcing its role as the backbone of the Liberian economy. It brought in US$121.49 million, a fall from US$140.61 million in 2022, representing 19.61 decline. Gold, iron ore, and diamond were the main contributors.
6. Oil/Gas: the Least Contributor
The oil and gas sector was the lowest contributor to overall extractive revenue, recording a minimal contribution of $0.55 million (US$550,000), constituting 0.36 percent of the overall extractive revenue.
No oil/gas licenses, production, exports, or agreements existed in 2023, with no records of active companies. However, the NOCAL collected the money from seismic data and contracting.
The amount contrasts with the 2011/2012 fiscal year, when the sector generated US$82.07 million, 14 percent of GDP at the time.
7. Agriculture: largest Employer
The extractive sector employed 12,333 people, representing 0.49 percent of Liberia’s labor force. Of this workforce, agriculture employed 9,302 workers, making it the largest employer among the extractive industries. Women accounted for 23 percent of agricultural employment, the highest female participation rate among extractive industries.
Workers with the Maryland Oil Palm Plantation (MOPP) are uploading fresh palm bunches to a truck in 2023. The DayLight/James Harding Giahyue
Meanwhile, mining employed 2,587 workers, while forestry employed 444, the least.
Firestone Natural Rubber concession, the world’s largest natural rubber producer, is the biggest private sector employer in Liberia.
8. ArcelorMittal Single-largest Taxpayer
ArcelorMittal Liberia was the single-largest tax payment, with US$60 million or 39.4 percent of all extractive revenue. Bea Mountain followed with US$37.6 million or 24.7 percent. Firestone (US$11.6 million or 7.6 percent), Western Cluster (US$10.2 or 6.8 percent), and China Union (US$9.6 million or 6.3 percent) were third, fourth, and fifth, respectively.
Additionally, ArcelorMittal paid US$17.5 million in “unidentified taxes” into the government central account. The LRA provided no details of the payment, the 16th LEITI report found.
9. Beneficial Ownership Regulation Formulated
The Beneficial Ownership Disclosure Regulation is one of the features of the report. It aims to combat illicit financial flows, including money laundering and tax evasion.
Enforced by the Liberia Business Registry, the regulation requires companies to disclose their ultimate beneficial owners, in line with amendments to the Business Association Act of 1976. The regulation is also consistent with Liberia’s Anti-Money Laundering Act, the National Forestry Reform Law, and the Code of Conduct for Public Officials.
This story is produced by The DayLight, with support from the Embassy of Ireland through Integrity Watch Liberia. The DayLight maintained editorial independence over its content, which does not reflect the position of the Embassy of Ireland or Integrity Watch Liberia.
Top: Illustration by Michael Harijgens for The DayLight
By Emmanuel Sherman
MONROVIA – Liberia has introduced a permit for gold and diamond dredging, lifting a ban on the mining method associated with pollution. Meanwhile, that is exactly the opposite of what has been done in Ghana, where it has been outlawed.
Both countries’ actions come at a time of a new report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime that illegal mining poses a serious global threat. The report found that criminal gangs were seeking to gain control of gold mines in Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, the Caribbean, and Southeast Asia.
Last year, Liberia introduced a permit for dredging to increase mining revenue. Small-scale gold and diamond miners can now pay US$1,500 for a dredge permit, and medium-scale miners US$10,000. The permit lifts the 2019 ban, aimed at reforming Liberia’s artisanal mining subsector. So far, no permit has been issued.
Ghana, on the other hand, repealed a law last December to protect its forests and waterways from dredging and other forms of illicit mining. The 2022 law had allowed mining in protected forest reserves, exposing 89 percent of Ghana’s forest reserves to mining.
The repeal followed demonstrations that called for a state of emergency to combat dredging, or as Ghanaians call it, galamsey—a play on “gather them and sell.”
President John Mahama, who made fighting galamsey a campaign promise, had encouraged demonstrators to push the government to act. “I am determined. Let us win this galamsey fight together,” President Mahama said.
One of Ghana’s biggest environmental issues is galamsey, which dates back to pre-colonial times when rural communities were involved in gold-winning practices. It allowed gold won by locals to be used to sustain trade across the goldfields, which later developed into an organized criminal network that spiraled out of control.
A dredging machine on the banks of the St. John River, Grand Bassa County, 2024. The DayLight/Emmanuel Sherman
Galamsey, the illegal mining trade, has a severe toll on Ghana, which led to the destruction of over 4,700 hectares of land across seven regions, causing deforestation and degradation. The Pra River, once a vibrant ecosystem, has been polluted with toxic chemicals like mercury. Israel Derick Apeti, an artist- activist, used some of the polluted water to paint, highlighting the crisis.
George Manful, a former official of Ghana’s Environmental Protection Agency, intimated that mercury remains in waterways for 1,000 years. “We are slowly poisoning ourselves with undrinkable water,” Manful told the BBC.
Like Ghana, dredge mining has polluted Liberia’s watercourses, posing a health hazard to rural dwellers and threatening their livelihoods. It also has huge negative impacts on aquatic species, experts say.
“When rivers are dredged, the nesting grounds are destroyed, and fish migrate,” said Eugene Shannon, an environmentalist and an ex-Minister of Mines and Energy, who set up the previous fee structure that did not include dredging permits.
Last year, the Environmental Protection Agency of Liberia warned illegal miners about the overuse of mercury in Liberian waters.
“When we mine gold using mercury, the mercury spreads in the water. The fish live in the water and get their food. The mercury enters the fish. When we eat fish, mercury enters our bodies,” said Dr. Emmanuel Yarkpawolo, Executive Director of the Environmental Protection Agency of Liberia.
“This can cause damage to our kidneys, cause deafness, cause blindness, and cause women to give birth to children with all kinds of brain problems.”
A drone shot of two dredges on the River Dugbeh in Sinoe County in 2024. The DayLight/Derick Snyder
Two months after Yarkpawolo’s speech, Liberia ratified the Minamata Convention on Mercury, which protects people and the environment from the chemical.
‘Dangerous’ level
Mining is one of the key drivers of Liberia’s economy. The sector generated over US$121.49 million in 2023 or nearly 85 percent of total revenue, according to the Liberia Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative. Mining also contributed about 80 percent of all exports. The International Monetary Fund estimates that the Liberian economy will grow by 5.4 percent this year, up from 4.6 percent last year, thanks to the mining industry.
But illegal mining has been a problem for Liberia due to a weak regulatory system, according to a 2021 report by the General Auditing Commission. About 90 percent of gold from Liberia’s artisanal and small-scale mining sector is believed to be smuggled out of the country each year, according to the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development. That amounts to a US$455 million loss as of 2011.
Liberia has, however, convicted no one for smuggling or illicit mining. A US$48.8 million case involving Randy Scott, a Liberian miner, and several Chinese nationals, the biggest in Liberia’s mining history, was dropped mysteriously. The men had been accused of economic sabotage, tax evasion, criminal conspiracy, environmental degradation, and encroachment.
Like Liberia, mining is also a pillar of the Ghanaian economy. Ghana is Africa’s largest and the world’s sixth-highest producer of gold, which is at an all-time high of US$4,670 per ounce as of Monday. Last year, Ghana generated over US$10 billion from small-scale gold export. Its GDP grew by 5.7 percent in 2024, with mining largely responsible for the growth.
But, unlike Liberia, Ghana has taken measures to combat dredging. Apart from repealing that law recently, over 850 people are facing prosecution currently for galamsey. Authorities said 76 galamseyers, including 18 foreign nationals, have been convicted of illegal mining since August 2021. Thousands of Chinese have been deported in a crackdown on illegal miners. The country intends to imprison 10 Chinese arrested for illegal gold trade if convicted.
“We are moving heaven and earth so that they dance to the music of the Ghanaian law,” said Prince Kwame Minkah, spokesman for the Ghana Gold Board.
Israel Derrick Apeti, known as Eni Art on social media, paints draw public attention to the plight of galamsey in Ghana. Picture credit: The Africa Report
In response to The DayLight’s queries, the Liberian Ministry of Mines and Energy justified that the permit was an alternative to the dredging ban that had proved “difficult to control.” The ministry stated that it had a system to monitor dredge permit holders.
“The fees will not only increase revenue collection for the government. [It] will help enhance enforcement activities in the mining sector, while the Ministry continues to collaborate with the Environmental Protection Agency on curbing harms to the environment from mining activities,” said the ministry.
Emmanuel Swen, Liberia’s ex-Assistant Minister for Mines, who had helped ban dredging, said permitting dredging was all about the money, and not people or the environment.
“The issue is not about the contribution the use of dredge makes to revenue generation, which seems to be the ministry’s concern,” said Swen. “It is about the adverse environmental footprints that the permit in itself does not address.”
Liberia’s position on dredging mining mirrors Ghana’s initial stance on it, which proved counterproductive. In 1989, Ghana legalized the use of mercury to formalize its small-scale mining subsector. The decision helped spur an increase in gold exports, but a state-backed study found mining has driven mercury pollution to a “dangerous” level.
Integrity Watch Liberia provided funding for this story. The DayLight maintained complete editorial independence over its content.
